August 25 is not an ordinary day for the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea. On the day in 1960, Kim Jong Il (1942-2011),
eternal Chairman of the DPRK National Defence Commission, started the
Songun-based leadership by inspecting the Seoul Ryu Kyong Su Guards 105th
Tank Division of the Korean People’s Army.
For over half a century since then under his
Songun-based leadership, the DPRK has always safeguarded its sovereignty and
dignity with honour in the ceaseless confrontation with the United States which
claims to be a “superpower.”
In January 1968 the US armed spy ship Pueblo, which had intruded into the territorial waters of the DPRK
and been conducting acts of espionage, was captured by the navy of the KPA. Availing itself of the
incident, the US
dispatched legions of its troops to the Korean peninsula, clamoring about
retaliation against the DPRK. Dark clouds of war hung over the peninsula. The world people were
apprehensive about the outbreak of a new war in Korea. The government of the
Soviet Union advised the Korean counterpart to release the captured ship. At
this juncture, Kim Jong Il stated that he would
not release the crew of the Pueblo
unless the Americans submitted a letter of surrender and that since the ship was Korea’s
booty, he would not return it even if they presented it. The DPRK declared to the world that it would
retaliate against the “retaliation” of the US and return all-out war for
“all-out war.”
Utterly dispirited by the resolute countermeasures
taken by the DPRK, the United States had no option but
to sign its
letter of apology in
December that year, in which it acknowledged its hostile acts and assured
that no US ships would intrude into the DPRK’s territorial waters in future.
The then US President Lyndon Johnson lamented that it was the first letter of
apology ever since the United States was founded.
The same is true of ensuing incidents: The US large
espionage plane EC-121 was shot down after having intruded into the territorial
air space of the DPRK in April 1969; and the US soldiers committed acts of
provocation against the guards of the KPA at Panmunjom along the Military
Demarcation Line dividing Korea into the north and the south in August 1976 but
were severely punished. In those cases, too, the US made such rackets as if it
would start a war at once, but was frightened by the decisive countermeasures
and strong military might of the DPRK and gave up its attempts.
The first nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula
between 1993 and 1994 was induced by the US, which falsely accused the DPRK of
its nuclear issue and instigated the International Atomic Energy Agency to force
the DPRK to receive its “special inspection” of the major military sites, while launching war rehearsals on a large scale in
south Korea. Such being the case, Kim Jong Il
issued an order of the KPA Supreme Commander on declaring a state of war
readiness across the country. It was followed by the publication of a statement of the DPRK
government that it would withdraw from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty in
order to defend its supreme interests of the country.
Finding itself in a dilemma by the bomb-like
declarations of the counterpart, the United States was enforced to come to the negotiating
table and sign the DPRK-USA Agreed Framework for solving the nuclear issue of the Korean
peninsula in a peaceful way. The US President Bill Clinton sent Kim Jong Il a
letter of assurance, in which he ensured the sincere
implementation of the US commitments under the Agreed Framework.
Afterwards, the US picked a quarrel with the DPRK in
1998 over its nuclear facilities for the peaceful purpose while making public
the OPLAN 5027 for preemptive nuclear strike and intensifying pressure on it.
To cope with this, the DPRK solemnly declared its stand that it had no other
choice but to prepare its nuclear deterrent. The more pressure and threats the
US applied, the more strongly the DPRK responded to it. The DPRK’s super tough
countermeasures compelled the Clinton administration to confess its defeat.
Entering the new century, the Bush administration,
branding the DPRK as part of “Axis of Evil” and announcing that it was a target
of preemptive nuclear strike, became hell-bent on launching reckless moves of
nuclear war provocation. Given the situation, the DPRK formally withdrew from
the NPT and then stated its possession of nuclear weapons. It carried out
missile launches and underground nuclear test, thus delivering a decisive blow
to the US in its acts of arbitrariness and nuclear blackmail.
The US administration could not but make public the
removal of the DPRK from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. The American
magazine Newsweek carried an article about striking the DPRK off the
list of states sponsoring terrorism. It said that President Bush informed the
US Congress of crossing out North Korea from the list, which was an event
symbolic of his surrender to North Korea.
So is the case with the DPRK’s launch of the second
artificial satellite Kwangmyongsong 2 in April 2009. When the DPRK
announced its launch programme, the US and other hostile forces made much fuss about
it. Japan, having defined intercepting of Korea’s satellite as its national
policy, deployed combat vessels in its attempt to hamper it.
Nevertheless, the Korean leader had the satellite launched as planned. He
took steps to severely punish not only the enemy’s intercepting bases but their
strongholds if they dared intercept it.
Indeed, Chairman Kim Jong Il was a peerlessly
brilliant commander, who always won victory in the confrontation with the US in
the latter half of the 20th century and the early 21st
century by dint of Songun, defeating the successive US presidents and
concurrent commanders in chief of the armed forces of the US–Lyndon Johnson,
Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, Bush peer, Bill
Clinton, Bush fails and Barack Obama.
Kim Jong Il once said that a powerful military
strength supported him when he was taking on the US, a self-styled “sole
superpower” in the world, with courage and pluck, and that as he had a powerful
army and munitions industry he was at ease and did what he wanted to do.
His words still has a lingering effect on the
international society.
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